Do political parties matter in bringing about a democratic transition? An analysis of their role after Bouteflika’s resignation in Algeria

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Revista española de ciencia política, ISSN 1575-6548, Nº. 58, 2022, pags. 205-236

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democratic transition
authoritarian resilience
political parties
elections
constitutional reform
Algeria
transición democrática
resiliencia autoritaria
partidos políticos
elecciones
reforma constitucional
Argelia

democratic transition
authoritarian resilience
political parties
elections
constitutional reform
Algeria
transición democrática
resiliencia autoritaria
partidos políticos
elecciones
reforma constitucional
Argelia
Szmolka Vida, Inmaculada
Do political parties matter in bringing about a democratic transition? An analysis of their role after Bouteflika’s resignation in Algeria

President Bouteflika’s resignation in April 2019, in response to large public demonstrations, opened a democratic window of opportunity for regime change in Algeria. Nevertheless, despite widespread disaffection with the regime, opposition parties have been incapable of triggering a democratic transition in Algeria. The military took control of the situation and imposed its own roadmap to put an end to the political crisis, pushing for presidential elections in December 2019. The elected president, Tebboune, a former prime minister under Bouteflika’s presidency, introduced a constitutional amendment in 2020 and called for parliamentary elections to be held on June 12th, 2021. This article analyzes the political stances and actions by the Algerian political parties regarding these political processes that were intended to be the foundations of the new republic. The case study of the Algerian crisis contributes to the theories on democratization and authoritarian resilience. It does so by showing that, even under favourable conditions of intense social pressure for democratic change and widespread disaffection with the authoritarian regime, political parties cannot be a democratizing agent if: (1) the opposition remains divided; (2) the parties do not build broad opposition alliances, not only between parties but also with civil society; and (3) the political regime retains the support of a number of loyal political parties.

Article

Szmolka Vida, Inmaculada

Szmolka Vida, Inmaculada

Szmolka Vida, Inmaculada

Do political parties matter in bringing about a democratic transition? An analysis of their role after Bouteflika’s resignation in Algeria

Do political parties matter in bringing about a democratic transition? An analysis of their role after Bouteflika’s resignation in Algeria

Do political parties matter in bringing about a democratic transition? An analysis of their role after Bouteflika’s resignation in Algeria

Do political parties matter in bringing about a democratic transition? An analysis of their role after Bouteflika’s resignation in Algeria

Do political parties matter in bringing about a democratic transition? An analysis of their role after Bouteflika’s resignation in Algeria

do political parties matter in bringing about a democratic transition? an analysis of their role after bouteflika’s resignation in algeria

2022

https://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/oaiart?codigo=8373707

1729028043685494784

dialnet-ar-18-ART00015219792022-04-01Do political parties matter in bringing about a democratic transition? An analysis of their role after Bouteflika’s resignation in AlgeriaSzmolka Vida, Inmaculadademocratic transitionauthoritarian resiliencepolitical partieselectionsconstitutional reformAlgeriatransición democráticaresiliencia autoritariapartidos políticoseleccionesreforma constitucionalArgeliaPresident Bouteflika’s resignation in April 2019, in response to large public demonstrations, opened a democratic window of opportunity for regime change in Algeria. Nevertheless, despite widespread disaffection with the regime, opposition parties have been incapable of triggering a democratic transition in Algeria. The military took control of the situation and imposed its own roadmap to put an end to the political crisis, pushing for presidential elections in December 2019. The elected president, Tebboune, a former prime minister under Bouteflika’s presidency, introduced a constitutional amendment in 2020 and called for parliamentary elections to be held on June 12th, 2021. This article analyzes the political stances and actions by the Algerian political parties regarding these political processes that were intended to be the foundations of the new republic. The case study of the Algerian crisis contributes to the theories on democratization and authoritarian resilience. It does so by showing that, even under favourable conditions of intense social pressure for democratic change and widespread disaffection with the authoritarian regime, political parties cannot be a democratizing agent if: (1) the opposition remains divided; (2) the parties do not build broad opposition alliances, not only between parties but also with civil society; and (3) the political regime retains the support of a number of loyal political parties.La dimisión del presidente Bouteflika en abril de 2019, en respuesta a las amplias protestas populares, abrió una ventana de oportunidad democrática para un cambio de régimen en Argelia. Sin embargo, a pesar del descontento generalizado con el régimen, los partidos de oposición no han sido capaces de desencadenar una transición democrática en Argelia. Los militares tomaron el control de la situación e impusieron su propia hoja de ruta para poner fin a la crisis política, presionando para la celebración de elecciones presidenciales en diciembre de 2019. El presidente electo, Tebboune, ex primer ministro bajo la presidencia de Bouteflika, impulsó una reforma de la Constitución en 2020 y convocó elecciones parlamentarias para el 12 de junio de 2021. Este artículo analiza las posiciones y acciones políticas de los partidos políticos argelinos frente a estos procesos políticos que pretendían ser los cimientos de la nueva república. El estudio de caso de la crisis argelina contribuye a las teorías sobre democratización y resiliencia autoritaria. Lo hace demostrando que, incluso en condiciones favorables de intensa presión social por un cambio democrático y una desafección generalizada hacia el régimen autoritario, los partidos políticos no pueden ser una agencia democratizadora si: (1) la oposición permanece dividida, (2) los partidos no construyen amplias alianzas —no solo entre partidos, sino también con la sociedad civil— y (3) el régimen político conserva el apoyo de partidos leales.2022text (article)application/pdfhttps://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/oaiart?codigo=8373707(Revista) ISSN 1575-6548Revista española de ciencia política, ISSN 1575-6548, Nº. 58, 2022, pags. 205-236engLICENCIA DE USO: Los documentos a texto completo incluidos en Dialnet son de acceso libre y propiedad de sus autores y/o editores. Por tanto, cualquier acto de reproducción, distribución, comunicación pública y/o transformación total o parcial requiere el consentimiento expreso y escrito de aquéllos. Cualquier enlace al texto completo de estos documentos deberá hacerse a través de la URL oficial de éstos en Dialnet. Más información: https://dialnet.unirioja.es/info/derechosOAI | INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY RIGHTS STATEMENT: Full text documents hosted by Dialnet are protected by copyright and/or related rights. This digital object is accessible without charge, but its use is subject to the licensing conditions set by its authors or editors. Unless expressly stated otherwise in the licensing conditions, you are free to linking, browsing, printing and making a copy for your own personal purposes. All other acts of reproduction and communication to the public are subject to the licensing conditions expressed by editors and authors and require consent from them. Any link to this document should be made using its official URL in Dialnet. More info: https://dialnet.unirioja.es/info/derechosOAI