Royer-Collard et la Charte de 1814
The period from 1814 to 1848, long considered to be "a gloomy political time" (Pierre Rosanvallon) is nowadays rousing renewed interest. The liberal thought of the time (Tocqueville's, Guizot's, etc.) has notably been revisited in depth over the past thirty years. Royer-Collard i...
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Universidad de Oviedo: Area de Derecho Constitucional
2014
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| Source: | Historia constitucional: Revista Electrónica de Historia Constitucional, ISSN 1576-4729, Nº. 15, 201423 pags. |
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Historia constitucional: Revista Electrónica de Historia Constitucional, ISSN 1576-4729, Nº. 15, 201423 pags.
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Charte de 1814
Doctrinaires Légitimité Libéralisme Préambule Représentation Souveraineté Charter of 1814 Doctrinaires Legitimacy Liberalism Preamble Representation Sovereignty |
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Charte de 1814
Doctrinaires Légitimité Libéralisme Préambule Représentation Souveraineté Charter of 1814 Doctrinaires Legitimacy Liberalism Preamble Representation Sovereignty Pertué, M. Royer-Collard et la Charte de 1814 |
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The period from 1814 to 1848, long considered to be "a gloomy political time" (Pierre Rosanvallon) is nowadays rousing renewed interest. The liberal thought of the time (Tocqueville's, Guizot's, etc.) has notably been revisited in depth over the past thirty years. Royer-Collard is one of the least well-known among the Liberals, though he was the principle leader of the
Doctrinaires and the first inventor of governmental liberalism. The reasons of such a relative obscurity are probably to be found in the fact that he never was in power and that his work is reduced, for the main part, to speeches always hard to do a close examination. His political career during the Restoration, however, comes rather as a surprise: although he was the
theoretician behind the Charte, he took a part in the drafting of the Adresse des 221 and presented it to the king in 1830. Is it legitimate to think that he was a man reasoning overcome by the circumstances or must we rather consider that, despite
appearances, he remained faithful to his convictions? While trying to elucidate those questions, we are led to think that, if the
juste milieu policy definitely was an insufficient response to the development of social democracy, it has recovered, albeit rather paradoxically, with the advent of universal suffrage, a certain pertinence when the matter will be to put down roots of
the Republic and even more after, when we shall have the idea of the necessary submission of national will to legal principles.
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Article
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| author |
Pertué, M.
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| author_facet |
Pertué, M.
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| author_sort |
Pertué, M.
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| title |
Royer-Collard et la Charte de 1814
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| title_short |
Royer-Collard et la Charte de 1814
|
| title_full |
Royer-Collard et la Charte de 1814
|
| title_fullStr |
Royer-Collard et la Charte de 1814
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| title_full_unstemmed |
Royer-Collard et la Charte de 1814
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| title_sort |
royer-collard et la charte de 1814
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| publisher |
Universidad de Oviedo: Area de Derecho Constitucional
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| publishDate |
2014
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https://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/oaiart?codigo=4780027
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1709713000997322752
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dialnet-ar-18-ART00006707052017-02-02Royer-Collard et la Charte de 1814Pertué, M.Charte de 1814DoctrinairesLégitimitéLibéralismePréambuleReprésentationSouverainetéCharter of 1814DoctrinairesLegitimacyLiberalismPreambleRepresentationSovereigntyThe period from 1814 to 1848, long considered to be "a gloomy political time" (Pierre Rosanvallon) is nowadays rousing renewed interest. The liberal thought of the time (Tocqueville's, Guizot's, etc.) has notably been revisited in depth over the past thirty years. Royer-Collard is one of the least well-known among the Liberals, though he was the principle leader of the Doctrinaires and the first inventor of governmental liberalism. The reasons of such a relative obscurity are probably to be found in the fact that he never was in power and that his work is reduced, for the main part, to speeches always hard to do a close examination. His political career during the Restoration, however, comes rather as a surprise: although he was the theoretician behind the Charte, he took a part in the drafting of the Adresse des 221 and presented it to the king in 1830. Is it legitimate to think that he was a man reasoning overcome by the circumstances or must we rather consider that, despite appearances, he remained faithful to his convictions? While trying to elucidate those questions, we are led to think that, if the juste milieu policy definitely was an insufficient response to the development of social democracy, it has recovered, albeit rather paradoxically, with the advent of universal suffrage, a certain pertinence when the matter will be to put down roots of the Republic and even more after, when we shall have the idea of the necessary submission of national will to legal principles.Longtemps considérée comme "un temps politique morne" (Pierre Rosanvallon), la période 1814-1848 suscite à nouveau l'intérêt ; la pensée libérale du moment a notamment fait l'objet d'un important réexamen depuis une grosse trentaine d'années (Tocqueville, Guizot, etc.). Mais Royer-Collard est un des libéraux les moins connus, alors qu'il fut la figure principale des doctrinaires et le premier concepteur d'un libéralisme de gouvernement. Sans doute faut-il chercher les raisons de sa moindre considération dans le fait qu'il n'exerça jamais directement le pouvoir et que son oeuvre politique est réduite, pour l'essentiel, à des discours dont l'examen est toujours plus difficile. Quoi qu'il en soit, son itinéraire sous la Restauration peut surprendre : bien qu'il eût été le théoricien de la charte, il prit pourtant une part à la rédaction de l'Adresse des 221 qu'il présenta au roi en 1830. Faut-il penser qu'il fut un homme de raisonnement dominé par les circonstances ou doit-on admettre, qu'en dépit des apparences, il resta fidèle à ses convictions? En cherchant à répondre à ces questions, on tentera de montrer que si la ligne de juste milieu fut certainement en son temps une réponse insuffisante au développement de la démocratie sociale, elle trouva par la suite, non sans quelques paradoxes, après l'établissement du suffrage universel, une nouvelle pertinence quand il s'agira d'enraciner la République et quand on croira nécessaire de soumettre la volonté nationale au respect de principes juridiques.Universidad de Oviedo: Area de Derecho ConstitucionalCentro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales2014text (article)application/pdfhttps://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/oaiart?codigo=4780027(Revista) ISSN 1576-4729Historia constitucional: Revista Electrónica de Historia Constitucional, ISSN 1576-4729, Nº. 15, 201423 pags. freLICENCIA DE USO: Los documentos a texto completo incluidos en Dialnet son de acceso libre y propiedad de sus autores y/o editores. Por tanto, cualquier acto de reproducción, distribución, comunicación pública y/o transformación total o parcial requiere el consentimiento expreso y escrito de aquéllos. Cualquier enlace al texto completo de estos documentos deberá hacerse a través de la URL oficial de éstos en Dialnet. Más información: https://dialnet.unirioja.es/info/derechosOAI | INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY RIGHTS STATEMENT: Full text documents hosted by Dialnet are protected by copyright and/or related rights. This digital object is accessible without charge, but its use is subject to the licensing conditions set by its authors or editors. Unless expressly stated otherwise in the licensing conditions, you are free to linking, browsing, printing and making a copy for your own personal purposes. All other acts of reproduction and communication to the public are subject to the licensing conditions expressed by editors and authors and require consent from them. Any link to this document should be made using its official URL in Dialnet. More info: https://dialnet.unirioja.es/info/derechosOAI
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