Participación política e igualdad. Paridad en listas electorales en España

dialnet-ar-18-ART0001416766

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Revista de Derecho, Empresa y Sociedad (REDS), ISSN 2340-4647, Nº. 16, 2020, pags. 163-196

Spanish

Paridad
Listas electorales
Igualdad política
Gender parity
Electoral nominations
Political equality

Paridad
Listas electorales
Igualdad política
Gender parity
Electoral nominations
Political equality
Pérez-Ugena Coromina, María
Participación política e igualdad. Paridad en listas electorales en España

The purpose of this paper is the study of the application of the principle of equality between women and men in the field of political participation as a tool in the construction of gender. We make an enquiry into the basis of parity and into its relation to real equality and affirmative action. After providing a definition of its nature and its general framework, we analyze how parity is recognized and what guarantees are provided by the different regulatory levels.Then, we focus on the main objections raised by gender parity in elections, which, in our case, refers to balanced participation of men and women. Among the various arguments used, some are quite obvious, as it is the fact that parity amounts to a limitation on political parties’ freedom. This does neither necessarily mean that it is inadmissible under the Constitution, as the Constitutional Court itself has declared, nor that is is not advisable, as it is being proposed in a variety of forums in recent years. We conclude with an assessment of the current regulation and of the practical effectiveness of the legal system established in Spain. The political parties themselves, perhaps not so much because of a deeper awareness of the legitimacy of our democracy, but because of the more immediate object of obtaining electoral votes, have assumed the gender quota in a broader electoral support strategy. In other cases, political parties meet the legal requirements exclusively because of the coercive nature of the rule. In the one case as in the other, adherence to the rule in practice often reveals a lack of real political will. The above leads them to place women in spaces with less power, including the last positions of each group of five on the electoral rolls. In the first places, we find more women on the Senate and European Parliament electoral rolls and less on the Congress one. The different relevance of the different legislative chambers supports our view in this paper: generally speaking, the political parties have complied with the rules but calculating the effects on each district. The results have been uneven, but no substantial increase in the number of female candidates on the voting lists has been noticeable, since Organic Law 3/2007, of 22 May, for effective equality between men and women was passed.

Article

Pérez-Ugena Coromina, María

Pérez-Ugena Coromina, María

Pérez-Ugena Coromina, María

Participación política e igualdad. Paridad en listas electorales en España

Participación política e igualdad. Paridad en listas electorales en España

Participación política e igualdad. Paridad en listas electorales en España

Participación política e igualdad. Paridad en listas electorales en España

Participación política e igualdad. Paridad en listas electorales en España

participación política e igualdad. paridad en listas electorales en españa

2020

https://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/oaiart?codigo=7631167

1709752406298853376

dialnet-ar-18-ART00014167662020-11-11Participación política e igualdad. Paridad en listas electorales en EspañaPérez-Ugena Coromina, MaríaParidadListas electoralesIgualdad políticaGender parityElectoral nominationsPolitical equalityThe purpose of this paper is the study of the application of the principle of equality between women and men in the field of political participation as a tool in the construction of gender. We make an enquiry into the basis of parity and into its relation to real equality and affirmative action. After providing a definition of its nature and its general framework, we analyze how parity is recognized and what guarantees are provided by the different regulatory levels.Then, we focus on the main objections raised by gender parity in elections, which, in our case, refers to balanced participation of men and women. Among the various arguments used, some are quite obvious, as it is the fact that parity amounts to a limitation on political parties’ freedom. This does neither necessarily mean that it is inadmissible under the Constitution, as the Constitutional Court itself has declared, nor that is is not advisable, as it is being proposed in a variety of forums in recent years. We conclude with an assessment of the current regulation and of the practical effectiveness of the legal system established in Spain. The political parties themselves, perhaps not so much because of a deeper awareness of the legitimacy of our democracy, but because of the more immediate object of obtaining electoral votes, have assumed the gender quota in a broader electoral support strategy. In other cases, political parties meet the legal requirements exclusively because of the coercive nature of the rule. In the one case as in the other, adherence to the rule in practice often reveals a lack of real political will. The above leads them to place women in spaces with less power, including the last positions of each group of five on the electoral rolls. In the first places, we find more women on the Senate and European Parliament electoral rolls and less on the Congress one. The different relevance of the different legislative chambers supports our view in this paper: generally speaking, the political parties have complied with the rules but calculating the effects on each district. The results have been uneven, but no substantial increase in the number of female candidates on the voting lists has been noticeable, since Organic Law 3/2007, of 22 May, for effective equality between men and women was passed.El tema objeto de este trabajo es la aplicación del principio de igualdad entre mujeres y hombres en el ámbito de la participación política desde su conceptuación como un instrumento en la construcción de género. Para ello nos cuestionamos cuál es el fundamento de la paridad y su relación con la igualdad real y la discriminación positiva. Una vez definida su naturaleza, así como su marco general, vemos cómo y con que garantías se recomienda o reconoce la paridad en los distintos niveles normativos. Centramos el debate acerca de las principales críticas que ha suscitado la paridad electoral, que en nuestro caso concreto se trata de participación equilibrada. De entre los distintos argumentos, hay ciertas cuestiones que son obvias, como el hecho de que la paridad es una limitación a la libertad de los partidos políticos. Lo cual no es obstáculo para que ésta sea constitucionalmente admisible, tal y como lo ha advertido el Tribunal Constitucional, o incluso recomendable, tal y como se viene planteando en los últimos años desde diferentes instancias. Finalizamos con una valoración de la regulación actual. Se trata de una referencia a la eficacia práctica del sistema legal establecido en el caso de España. Los propios partidos, quizá no tanto por una conciencia de profundizar en la legitimidad de nuestra Democracia sino por algo mas inmediato, la obtención de votos, ha asumido las cuotas como estrategia electoral. En otros casos los partidos políticos cumplen las “prescripciones” legales exclusivamente por el carácter coactivo de la norma. Tanto en un caso como en el otro, la práctica hace que se evidencie una falta de voluntad política real en muchos casos. Lo que les lleva a situar a mujeres en los espacios con menos poder, entre ellos, los últimos tramos en cada cinco puestos la lista. En los primeros tramos de lista encontramos mas mujeres en el Senado y el Parlamento Europeo y menos para el Congreso. Lo que evidencia, por el peso real de las distintas Cámaras, lo que argumentamos. De manera general, los partidos han cumplido con la normativa pero calculando los efectos que produciría en cada distrito. El resultado ha sido desigual pero en todo caso no ha incrementado de manera determinante la cifra anterior a la aprobación de la Ley Orgánica para la Igualdad entre Mujeres y Hombres.2020text (article)application/pdfhttps://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/oaiart?codigo=7631167(Revista) ISSN 2340-4647Revista de Derecho, Empresa y Sociedad (REDS), ISSN 2340-4647, Nº. 16, 2020, pags. 163-196spaLICENCIA DE USO: Los documentos a texto completo incluidos en Dialnet son de acceso libre y propiedad de sus autores y/o editores. Por tanto, cualquier acto de reproducción, distribución, comunicación pública y/o transformación total o parcial requiere el consentimiento expreso y escrito de aquéllos. Cualquier enlace al texto completo de estos documentos deberá hacerse a través de la URL oficial de éstos en Dialnet. 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