Sobre la redención populista y la fuerza constitucional: el valor intangible de la democracia

The different definitions of populism do nothing if not reinforce the need to redefine democracy. Populism has returned to stay, so it is necessary to analyze “populist reason”; and from the post-Marxist perspective this means the work of Mouffe and Laclau. A review of different ways to understand p...

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Main Author: Sanz Moreno, José Antonio
Format: Article
Language:Spanish
Published: 2019
Subjects:
Online Access:https://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/oaiart?codigo=6874648
Source:Revista de estudios políticos, ISSN 0048-7694, Nº 183, 2019, pags. 161-190
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Revista de estudios políticos, ISSN 0048-7694, Nº 183, 2019, pags. 161-190
language
Spanish
topic
Populismo
soberanía popular
democracia constitucional
cláusulas de intangibilidad
Estado de derecho
Populism
popular sovereignty
constitutional democracy
intangibility clauses
rule of law
spellingShingle
Populismo
soberanía popular
democracia constitucional
cláusulas de intangibilidad
Estado de derecho
Populism
popular sovereignty
constitutional democracy
intangibility clauses
rule of law
Sanz Moreno, José Antonio
Sobre la redención populista y la fuerza constitucional: el valor intangible de la democracia
description
The different definitions of populism do nothing if not reinforce the need to redefine democracy. Populism has returned to stay, so it is necessary to analyze “populist reason”; and from the post-Marxist perspective this means the work of Mouffe and Laclau. A review of different ways to understand populist movements is also imperative to confront the fiction of one ‘People’ versus the real and plural population. However, constitutionalism will be our answer to resolve the democratic paradox: on the one hand, popular power is absolute; on the other hand, government by and for the citizenry and, with it, legal limit to the exercise of power. Nowadays, it is not a good idea to seek a new definition of populism (soft ideology, discourse, political strategy, pathology), but we need to condemn its symbiosis with democracy as vox populi vox dei. Populism is not the redemption of democracy, but its worst enemy. So, we have two alternatives: either populism is redirected through its constitutional anchoring in individual human dignity and intangible rights, or the unlimited power of the people and its totalitarian embodiment will mean that the democracy’s days are numbered.
format
Article
author
Sanz Moreno, José Antonio
author_facet
Sanz Moreno, José Antonio
author_sort
Sanz Moreno, José Antonio
title
Sobre la redención populista y la fuerza constitucional: el valor intangible de la democracia
title_short
Sobre la redención populista y la fuerza constitucional: el valor intangible de la democracia
title_full
Sobre la redención populista y la fuerza constitucional: el valor intangible de la democracia
title_fullStr
Sobre la redención populista y la fuerza constitucional: el valor intangible de la democracia
title_full_unstemmed
Sobre la redención populista y la fuerza constitucional: el valor intangible de la democracia
title_sort
sobre la redención populista y la fuerza constitucional: el valor intangible de la democracia
publishDate
2019
url
https://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/oaiart?codigo=6874648
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dialnet-ar-18-ART00013698322023-06-02Sobre la redención populista y la fuerza constitucional: el valor intangible de la democraciaSanz Moreno, José AntonioPopulismosoberanía populardemocracia constitucionalcláusulas de intangibilidadEstado de derechoPopulismpopular sovereigntyconstitutional democracyintangibility clausesrule of lawThe different definitions of populism do nothing if not reinforce the need to redefine democracy. Populism has returned to stay, so it is necessary to analyze “populist reason”; and from the post-Marxist perspective this means the work of Mouffe and Laclau. A review of different ways to understand populist movements is also imperative to confront the fiction of one ‘People’ versus the real and plural population. However, constitutionalism will be our answer to resolve the democratic paradox: on the one hand, popular power is absolute; on the other hand, government by and for the citizenry and, with it, legal limit to the exercise of power. Nowadays, it is not a good idea to seek a new definition of populism (soft ideology, discourse, political strategy, pathology), but we need to condemn its symbiosis with democracy as vox populi vox dei. Populism is not the redemption of democracy, but its worst enemy. So, we have two alternatives: either populism is redirected through its constitutional anchoring in individual human dignity and intangible rights, or the unlimited power of the people and its totalitarian embodiment will mean that the democracy’s days are numbered.Los diferentes significados de populismo no hacen sino certificar la necesidad de redefinir la democracia. Y aquí no valen los plañideros: el populismo ha vuelto para quedarse. Por eso debemos esclarecer sus «razones»; y —desde la izquierda posmarxista— nada mejor que contrastar la obra de Laclau y Mouffe. También el repaso a las diferentes maneras de entender los movimientos populistas nos permitirá asomarnos a su construcción del pueblo frente al antipueblo. Pero será el constitucionalismo el que nos resuelva la paradoja de la democracia: de un lado, poder popular absoluto; de otro, gobierno para los integrantes del pueblo y, con ello, límite jurídico al ejercicio del poder. De poco sirve decantarnos por una concreta definición del populismo (ideología blanda, discurso, estrategia política, patología), pero sí cabe observar su simbiosis con la democracia. Y, precisamente, con la máxima vox populi, vox dei, la redención populista se convierte en su enemigo más mortífero. Desde aquí, el populismo o se reeduca con su anclaje constitucional en la dignidad de la persona y en el rule of law, o desde la totalización popular del poder y su encarnación personalizada, la democracia tiene los días contados.2019text (article)application/pdf(Revista) ISSN 0048-7694https://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/oaiart?codigo=6874648Revista de estudios políticos, ISSN 0048-7694, Nº 183, 2019, pags. 161-190spaLICENCIA DE USO: Los documentos a texto completo incluidos en Dialnet son de acceso libre y propiedad de sus autores y/o editores. Por tanto, cualquier acto de reproducción, distribución, comunicación pública y/o transformación total o parcial requiere el consentimiento expreso y escrito de aquéllos. Cualquier enlace al texto completo de estos documentos deberá hacerse a través de la URL oficial de éstos en Dialnet. Más información: https://dialnet.unirioja.es/info/derechosOAI | INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY RIGHTS STATEMENT: Full text documents hosted by Dialnet are protected by copyright and/or related rights. This digital object is accessible without charge, but its use is subject to the licensing conditions set by its authors or editors. Unless expressly stated otherwise in the licensing conditions, you are free to linking, browsing, printing and making a copy for your own personal purposes. All other acts of reproduction and communication to the public are subject to the licensing conditions expressed by editors and authors and require consent from them. Any link to this document should be made using its official URL in Dialnet. More info: https://dialnet.unirioja.es/info/derechosOAI